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عمر بن الخطاب، خليفة الثاني للمسلمين في زمن الجهل، عمر جعل حياته وسيطا. يقول شيبلي، كاتب سيرته، إنه في شبابه كان يرعى الإبل. قبل قبول الإسلام، كان عمر واحدا من أعداء محمد الأكثر رسوخا، رسول الله. عندما أعلن محمد رسالته، اعترف كثير من الناس بأنه رسول الله. اعترف عمر بأنه رسول الله بعد ست سنوات. ويدعي بعض المؤرخين أن عمر كان أكثر الرجال إلهاما، وعندما قبل الإسلام، كان المعبوسون يخشون على حياتهم. ولكن هذه ليست سوى حالة من الأسطورة المهيمنة في الصراع مع الحقائق القبيحة. وعندما قبل عمر الإسلام، ظل الأصنام في المكان الذي كانوا فيه، ولم يتغير شيء بالنسبة لهم ولكن محمد كان مجبرا على مغادرة منزله، وكان عليه أن يجد ملاذا في واد خرب. قضى ثلاث سنوات في هذا الوادي، وخلال تلك السنوات من المنفى، تعرضت حياته لمخاطر مميتة كل يوم وكل ليلة. خلال هذه الفترة بأكملها أكثر من 1000 يوم، عمر، مثل كثير من المسلمين الآخرين في مكة المكرمة، كان المتفرج الصامت من محن سيده. ولم يبذل أي محاولة لإنهاء تلك المحن. أنشأ محمد مصطفى الأخوة بين المسلمين في مكة المكرمة والمدينة المنورة على السواء. في مكة المكرمة، جعل عمر شقيق أبو بكر، وفي المدينة المنورة، جعله شقيق أوتبان بن مالك. أما بالنسبة لأخيه، فقد اختار محمد علي بن أبي طالب في كلتا المدينتين. في 3 ه. أمارس ابنة، حفصة، كانت متزوجة من الرسول. وكان عمر أحد الهاربين من معركة أوهود (البلدة). وقال نفسه نفسه في وقت لاحق: عندما هزم مسلم في أحد، ركضت نحو الجبل. (سويوتي في الدر المنثور). في حصار خيبر، حاول عمر الاستيلاء على القلعة لكنه فشل. وكان عمر أحد الهاربين من معركة حنين. يقول أبو قتادة، رفيق النبي: في هنين عندما كان المسلمون يفرون، هربت أيضا، ورأيت عمر مع الآخرين. (البخاري وكتابول المغازي). في 8 ه، أرسل الرسول عمر مرتبة مع العديد من الآخرين للإبلاغ عن واجب عمرو بن آس، قائدهم، في حملة دات إس سالاسيل. في 11 ه، نظم رسول الله الحملة السورية، وعين أسامة بن زيد بن حارثة كجنرال. وأمر عمر بالعمل كمرتب في الحملة. على الرغم من أن عمر قضى ثمانية عشر عاما في شركة محمد مصطفى، رسول الله، وهذا الأخير لم يعين له أي منصب السلطة المدنية أو العسكرية. عندما كان رسول الله على فراش الموت، طلب من الصحابة جلب القلم والورق والحبر حتى انه قد يملي ارادته ولكن عمر تحدى له. لم يترك الرسول يملي إرادته وشهادته. لم يكن عمر حاضرا في جنازة نبي الإسلام. كان يتشاجر مع الأنصار في مقبرة سقيفة عندما دفن جثمان النبي. وكان عمر خليفة خليفة أبو بكر. خلال أبو بكرس خلافات، كان عمر مستشاره الرئيسي. وكان بانو أومايا أبطال التقليدية من الوثنية وأعداء قوس محمد وعشائرته، بانو هاشم. محمد قد كسر قوتهم ولكن عمر احياء لهم. وكان العنصر الرئيسي في سياسته، كرئيس لحكومة سقيفة، هو استعادة الأمويين. فسلم سوريا إليهم كإقطاعهم، وجعلهم أول عائلة في الإمبراطورية. قد يجد طالب حديث من التاريخ مطالبات نيابة عن بعض الصحابة من النبي بدلا من الاسراف والمحير. وقد يلاحظ فيها صراع الخيال الشعبي مع الواقع التاريخي. ولكن إذا كان يرغب في إجراء تقييم واقعي للأدوار التي لعبها في حياة النبي، فلا توجد طريقة أفضل للقيام بذلك من الابتعاد عن الرابسودي والبلاغة، وتركيز الاهتمام على الحقائق والحقائق وحدها. عندما تولى عمر مسؤولية الخلافة، كانت الجيوش الإسلامية تقاتل ضد الفرس في العراق والرومان في سوريا. كان الجيش في سوريا تحت قيادة خالد بن الوليد، الجنرال المفضل لأبو بكر. أمارس أولا بمثابة خليفة كان فصله من جميع أوامره، وتعيين أبو عبيدة بن الجراح القائد الأعلى للقوات الإسلامية في سوريا. يقول شبلي إن عمر كان، لفترة طويلة، يرعى الكراهية السرية لخالد بسبب التجاوزات. وكان عمر قد رفض بالفعل خالد بسبب تجاوزاته ولكن يبدو أن الحقد الشخصي كان أيضا في العمل. كان غيور من شهرة خالد وشعبيته. إذا لم يكره تجاوزات خالد، فإنه كان يجب أن يكون قد وجهت اليه اتهامات رسمية، وكان ينبغي أن أمرت التحقيق الكامل في جرائمه في قتل مالك بن نويرا وفي الاستيلاء على أرملته. إذا كان خالد قد ثبتت إدانته، فإن عمر كان يجب أن يمر عليه وفقا للشريعة الإسلامية. بيد انه لم يصدر اى قرار اتهام ولا تحقيق. تم فصل خالد بشكل عاجل وتوفي في فقر وغموض في 21 أ. خلافة أمارس جديرة بالفتوحات الكثيرة. غزا جنرالاته العراق وإيران وأذربيجان وكيرمان وسيستان وخراسان وسوريا والأردن وفلسطين ومصر، وأدخلوها في إمبراطورية المسلمين. كل هذه كانت غزوات دائمة. فقد الرومان سوريا وفلسطين ومصر إلى الأبد وفي بلاد فارس، لم تعد إمبراطورية ساساني موجودة. ومن بين الأحداث الأخرى التي شهدتها خلافة عمر، كانت أول تفشي للوباء في سوريا في 18 آب / أغسطس ومجاعة في الحجاز في نفس العام. وفيما بينها، قتل الطاعون والمجاعة أكثر من 25،000 شخص (سويوتي وأبو الفداء). وبما أن الإمبراطورية نمت بشكل هائل في جميع الاتجاهات، كان على عمر أن ينشئ نظاما إداريا. ولكن العرب لم يكن لديهم أي خبرة في الإدارة. لذلك، ترك عمر الإطار الفارسي والإطار الروماني للإدارة في المحافظات المغتصبة دون عائق. وقام الموظفون الفارسيون والرومانيون بالعمل اليومي كما كان من قبل. أسس عمر العديد من المعسكرات العسكرية في العراق وسوريا ومصر. ولما كان يريد أن يكون العرب قتالا محسوبا وطبقا حاكما، فإنه لم يسمح لهم بشراء الأرض والاستيطان أو أن يصبحوا مزارعين في الأراضي المغزولة. ولتقييم إيرادات الأراضي، اضطر عمر مرة أخرى إلى الاحتفاظ بالنظم الفارسية والرومانية. ولكن في العراق وجد أن من الضروري مسح الأراضي الصالحة للزراعة وتقييم الضرائب عليها. ولم يكن العرب يعرفون سوى أقل من شيء عن تقييم إيرادات الأراضي. ومع ذلك، كان هناك استثناء واحد في عثمان بن حنيف من المدينة المنورة. كان رجل من القدرة المتميزة كخبير في الإيرادات. على الرغم من أن سياسة أمار هي عدم تعيين مواطني المدينة (أنصار) في أي مناصب هامة، في هذه الحالة بالذات لم يكن لديه خيار، وعين عثمان بن حنيف مفوض تنمية الأراضي في العراق. يقول القاضي يوسف إن عثمان بن حنيف كان سلطة في جميع أنحاء الجزيرة العربية على الضرائب، وتقييم إيرادات الأراضي واستصلاح الأراضي (كيتابول-خراج وسيار الأنصار). وفي غضون أقل من عام، أكمل عثمان بن حنيف مهمة إجراء قياسات للمقاطعة الجديدة بأكملها، وإجراء تقييمات لجمع إيرادات الأراضي. ولذلك، كان أول مفوض مالي للعراق، وبالمناسبة، واحد من عدد قليل من الأنصاريين لشغل أي منصب سلطة في خلافة أبو بكر وعمر وعثمان بن عفان. عندما غزا سوريا والأردن وفلسطين، عين عمر يزيد بن أبو سفيان محافظ سوريا شراهبيل بن حسانا حاكم الأردن، وعمر بن عاص محافظ فلسطين. تم تعيين أبو عبيدة بن الجراح حاكما لمدينة دمشق. عندما غزا عمرو بن آس مصر، جعله عمر حاكما له. توفي يزيد بن أبو سفيان، حاكم سوريا، في طاعون 18 عاما عندما سمع عمر خبر وفاته، ذهب لرؤية أبو سفيان لتقديم التعازي له. لكن أبو سفيان أوقف إزاحة الأعمار، وسأله، من أنت ستعين حاكم سوريا بدلا من ابنه الراحل يزيد يزيد قال: بطبيعة الحال، شقيقه معاوية. وسرعان ما نسي أبو سفيان حزنه على أبنائه الموت، وابتهج في ارتفاع معاوية، ابنه الثاني، حاكما. وعين عمر معاوية الحاكم الجديد لسوريا. عندما توفي أبو عبيدة، وضع عمر دمشق أيضا تحت ولاية معاوية. وقد حدد راتبه ب 60 ألف قطعة من الذهب سنويا (إستياب، المجلد الأول). بعد أن رفض خالد بن الوليد القائد الأعلى للقوات في سوريا، عينه عمر، لفترة من الوقت، حاكم مقاطعة كينيسيرين لكنه رفضه مرة أخرى بسبب زعمه المزعوم. وكان سعد بن أبي وقاص، منتصرا لمعركة القادسية التي خاضت ضد الفرس، حاكم أمار العراق. كما أنه رفض في 21 أ. عمرو بن عاس هو محافظ أمار في مصر. لم يقم عمر برفضه لكنه قلص صلاحياته بتعيين عبد الله بن سعد بن أبي سارة عضوا في الوكالة في المسائل المالية. وكان عمر مدير المهام الأكثر صرامة لجميع الجنرالات والحكام. وسرعان ما كان يلقي أذنيه على أي شكوى ضدهم، وكان أسرع من ذلك لفصلهم مع استثناء واحد معاوية كان إلى الأبد متسامحا لأبناء أبو سفيان وعشيرة بان أومايا. عاش معاوية، ابن أبو سفيان وهندا، حاكم سوريا، في دمشق في روعة الإمبراطورية، محاطا بشريط متألق. كان أسلوب حياة عمر لم يتسامح مع أي حاكم آخر. ولكن معاوية، بالنسبة له، كان خاصا، والقواعد التي تطبق على الآخرين، لم تنطبق عليه. سجل الطبري الحادث التالي في المجلد السادس من تاريخه. عمر كان في دمشق، وجاء معاوية لرؤيته كل صباح كل يوم وأمسيات مزينة في الزي الملكي، مع يتصاعد كاباريسون رائع ومرافقة. عندما علق عمر، بدلا من الحمضية، على كتابه، قال إن سوريا كانت تتزاحم مع جواسيس رومان، وكان من الضروري إقناعهم بمجد الإسلام. وقال إنه لم يكن سوى شعاره الخارجي - مجد الإسلام. ولكن عمر لم يكن مقتنعا، ولاحظ: هذا هو فخ وضعها الرجل البارع والمذنب. أجاب معاوية: ثم سأفعل كل ما تقوله يا أمينا. قال عمر: إذا رفعت اعتراضا على أي شيء، فإنك تربك وتحيرني بالكلمات. أنا في خسارة لمعرفة ما يجب القيام به. هنا يمكن رؤية عمر عاجز تماما قبل بروتغ الخاصة به. وقال انه يمكن التغاضي عن معاوية أي شيء وكل شيء. في الواقع، يبدو أنه يتجول ببراعة أبو سفيان وأبنائه. وبمجرد أن يضعهم على رأس الشؤون، عززوا موقفهم، وأصبح من المستحيل طردهم. وبهذه الطريقة كان الأمويين العلمانيين المفترسين والإمبرياليين والمستغلين اقتصاديا قد أحبطوا على المسلمين. يبدو أن زراعة الأمويين كانت واحدة من الثوابت في معادلة سياسة سقيفة. غزا جنرالات أمارس بلاد فارس وسوريا ومصر. دفع خلفاؤه في السلالة الأموية تلك الفتوحات حتى جنوب فرنسا في الغرب، والحدود الغربية للصين ووادي اندوس في الشرق. وقد أعرب طلاب التاريخ عن دهشتهم لسرعة ومدى غزوات العرب في القرنين الثامن والسبعين. لقد حققوا كل تلك الفتوحات في غضون 100 عام حقا واحدة من أبرز سلسلة من الفتوحات في تاريخ العالم. بعد مرور قرون عديدة، يستمر البحث في الإجابة على السؤال: كيف غزو العرب كثيرا جدا سرعان ما أعطى المؤرخون أسبابا كثيرة لنجاح الأسلحة العربية، من بينها: الحرب الأهلية والفوضى في بلاد فارس الحرب بين بلاد فارس وروما التي استمرت ل 26 عاما، والتي تركت كل من الإمبراطوريتين استنفدت تماما، والنزيف وسجود عدم الارتياح من الموضوعات الرومانية في سوريا ومصر الذين رحبوا العرب كمحررين، وفقدان روما من مظلة الدعم المحلي والاعتماد على كل من الفرس والرومان على المرتزقة والمجندين الذين يفتقرون إلى الاضطهاد المعنوي على أساس دين الطوائف المنشقة والمعتقدات من قبل كل من الفرس والرومان والعبء الضخم من الضرائب أن الأجناس الغريبة التي تحكمها بلاد فارس وروما، و والفلاحين في كل من الإمبراطوريات، كان عليها أن تحمل. كما عانى الفرس والرومان من الأمتعة الثقيلة، وكانوا يفتقرون إلى الحركة. كان العرب، من ناحية أخرى، متحركين للغاية. ويمكنهم أن يضربوا هدفا من اختيارهم، ثم يتراجعون إلى الصحراء على إبلهم السريعة حيث لا يمكن لفرسان العدو الدخول لأنه ليس لديه دعم لوجستي. في حملاتهم، كان العرب يفوق عددهم دائما أعدائهم ولكن هذا ليس بالضرورة عائقا بالنسبة لهم. يتجلى التاريخ في أمثلة القوى الصغيرة من المتطوعين الذين يقفون إلى هزيمة الجيوش مجند كبير. ولكن المسلمين أنفسهم، خصم معظم هذه الأسباب لنجاحهم. ووفقا لكثير منهم، كان سر نجاحهم في التقوى والحماس الديني للجنود المسلمين. إن القوة الدافعة وراء الفتوحات العربية في القرن السابع، كما يقولون، جاءت من الإسلام، وكل عربي غادر شبه الجزيرة لمهاجمة الهلال الخصيب، كان مجاهدا أو محاربا مقدسا، يقاتل من أجل مجد الله. غير أن هذا الادعاء صحيح جزئيا فقط. دون شك كان هناك من المسلمين الذين يرغبون في نشر ضوء الإسلام في العالم ولكن أيضا كان هناك آخرون، وكانوا الأغلبية الساحقة، الذين قاتلوا للحصول على المكافآت المادية التي وعدت الفتوحات لجلب لهم. لقد طوروا شهية علمانية واضحة للسلطة والثروات. والحوافز الغالبة التي دفعت البدو من شبه الجزيرة هي الجوع والجشع الجسدي، والعواقب الطبيعية للظروف المضطربة هناك، والفرص التي لا نهاية لها للتخصيب التي تقدمها المجتمعات المزروعة التي تغلب عليها. وهكذا، على الرغم من أنه كان هناك بلا شك أيضا الرجال الذين قتلوا من أجل الآخرة، والجماهير من رجال القبائل يقتلون بالتأكيد لشهوة الأرض. أما الجوانب الأخرى من الوعظ المحمدية فقد خسرت تماما خلال الفتوحات من قبل الغنائم التي لا تصدق والتي يمكن كسبها: وبالتالي فإن القريشيت الملحوظ، الذي اعتبر من التقوى أنه كان واحدا من الرجال العشرة الذين يمكن محمد أن يعطي كلمته الشخصية خلال حياتهم وأنهم دخلوا الجنة بسبب حماسهم للإسلام، تركوا وراءهم عقارا يبدو أن صافي قيمته يتراوح بين 35 و 52 مليون درهم كان لديه 11 منزلا في المدينة المنورة وحدها، فضلا عن غيرها في البصرة والكوفة والفسطاط والإسكندرية . من بين هؤلاء العشرة الواعدين الرجال وعد شخصيا الجنة من قبل محمد تملك ممتلكات عقارية بمبلغ 30 مليون درهم على وفاته كان مضيفه أكثر من مليوني درهم نقدا. وبمجرد أن ينظر إلى هذه العملية في المنظور، يصبح من الواضح كيف أن المثير بشكل ملحوظ هو المفهوم التقليدي القديم للتوسع العربي باعتباره حركة بييستية أثارها الحماس الديني الشخصي للمحمود. لا يبدو أن هناك شك في أن آخر ما كان يفكر به العرب المسلمون هو تحويل أي شخص. وعلى وجه الخصوص، كان التحيز الذي كان ليصبح السمة المميزة للإسلام في وقت لاحق، على الأقل في بعض مظاهره، غريبا تماما على الفاتحين العرب الأولي. وقد أشير إلى أن القوة الدافعة وراء الفتوحات العربية الإسلامية لم تكن دينية في أقلها، بل كانت دافعا هاجرا متأصلا في حالة ألفية شبه الجزيرة العربية. رجال مثل خالد وعمر (بن عاص)، على سبيل المثال، كان من الواضح لا بيتيستس أو الصوفيين مصالحهم كانت عملية تماما. إن التحول من الأرستقراطية المكية إلى جانب المسلمين هو مثال واضح على الحقن السريع الذي لا يمكن مقاومته للعناصر العلمانية البحتة في أولى مشاريع الأمة، التي صيغت على أساس الدين، وقد تم التعبير عنها على أساس سياسة. (تشكيل العرب، نيويورك، 1967) صحيح أن الدين هو العامل الذي دفع المسلمين إلى الخروج من شبه الجزيرة العربية، ولكن بعد أن فعل ذلك، لم يلعب دورا مهما في الفتوحات التي تلت ذلك. وكان دورها حافزا في اندلاع العرب. إذا كان الدين والتقوى هما السبب في نجاح المسلمين في حملتهما، فكيف يفسر أحدهما نجاح الأمم التي لم تكن مسلمة بعض تلك الدول كانت أعداء الإسلام، لكنها كانت في وقت من الأوقات منتصرة على وهو مقياس يتطابق مع فتوحات المسلمين، وأحيانا تجاوزها. كانت فتوحات العرب مذهلة في اتساعها لكنها لم تكن، بأي وسيلة، فريدة من نوعها. قبل ما يقرب من ألف سنة من ظهور الإسلام، غزا الإسكندر الأكبر، وهو مقدوني شاب، في غضون عشر سنوات جميع الأراضي من شبه جزيرة البلقان إلى حدود الصين، ومن ليبيا إلى البنجاب في الهند. كان شريكا. أينما ذهب، يعبد الآلهة المحلية. عبد زيوس في اليونان، أمون ري في ليبيا مردوخ في بابل وأهورا في برسبوليس. لم تكن فتوحاته مستوحاة من أي دين. في الواقع، لم يكن الدين في أي مكان في غزواته. إذا لم يكن قد مات في 32، وقال انه قد غزا بقية العالم. بعد الإغريق القدماء، وكان الرومان أعظم الفاتحين والإداريين. أنها بنيت واحدة من أعظم وأقوى امبراطوريات التاريخ، والتي استمرت لفترة أطول من أي امبراطورية أخرى قبل أو منذ ذلك الحين. مثل الإغريق أمامهم، كانوا أيضا من المصلين من الأصنام، على الرغم من أن الإمبراطورية الرومانية الشرقية تحولت إلى المسيحية في أوائل القرن الخامس الميلادي في القرن الثالث عشر، المغول، بقيادة جنكيز خان، هز الأرض كلها. كانوا الأعداء الأكثر خطورة التي اجتمع الإسلام من أي وقت مضى. كان كل من آسيا على أقدامهم، وجاءوا في الآس من النشاف من الإسلام في تلك القارة. كانت غزواتهم أكثر سرعة وعلى نطاق أوسع من فتوحات العرب. في غضون خمسين عاما، كانوا قد غزا كل من الصين، وجميع من روسيا، وجميع وسط وغرب آسيا، وتوغلوا في أوروبا بقدر المجر. في حين أن المسلمين في حياتهم المهنية الفتح، وهزموا في تورز في الغرب، وفي القسطنطينية في الشرق، المغول كانوا دائما منتصرا في كل مكان. وقد انسحبوا من أوروبا الوسطى فقط بسبب وفاة خانهم الكبير في كاراكوروم البعيدة. لم يكن للمغول أي دين على الإطلاق. ما هو الذي أطلقهم على مهنة الفتح العالمي بالتأكيد ليس الحماس الديني والتقوى. في القرن السادس عشر، وضع كونكستادوريس القشتالية اسبانيا في المرتبة الأولى من دول العالم. ولم يتبق سوى عدد قليل منهم على شواطئ إسبانيا، وغزا العالم الجديد كله. وضعوا قارتين على قدمي ملك اسبانيا. صحيح أنها كانت مستوحاة من الحماسة الدينية على الرغم من أنها لم يكن لديك الكثير من التقوى ولكن كان الحماس الكاثوليكي. لم يكن حماسهم غير إسلامي بقدر ما كان معاديا للإسلام. قبل اكتشاف وقهر الأمريكتين، هزموا المسلمين غرناطة في 1492، طردهم من اسبانيا، وطمس كل بقايا الثقافة الإسلامية من شبه الجزيرة الايبيرية. في القرن السابع عشر، ركب الهولنديون قمة المجد. قصتهم من تلك الحقبة يقرأ مثل ملحمة من أعمال كبيرة وبطولية. في المنزل كانوا محاصرين في صراع قاتل ضد اثنين من الأعداء الاسبان والبحر، وأنها قد تغلب على حد سواء. وقد طردوا الاسبان من هولندا، وكانوا قد ترويض البرية والبحر الشمالي الهائج. بعد أن غزا هذين الأعداء، بدا الهولندي إلى الخارج لعوالم جديدة لقهر. ديناميات الحرب ضد اسبانيا وبحر الشمال، أعطاهم زخما من النصر والنجاح الذي حملهم في جميع أنحاء العالم. في انفجارات الطاقة، هبطت الأرض الأرض، قهر، الاستعمار والبناء. لم يكن الهولنديون فقط بحارة جيدة وملاحين كانوا أيضا تجارا جيدا ومستعمرين. قاموا ببناء مصانع في الهند، وأنشأوا مستعمرات في أمريكا الشمالية والجنوبية، وفي جنوب أفريقيا. وأصبحت مستعمرتهم في جنوب أفريقيا واحدة من أكثر المستعمرات نجاحا في تاريخ الاستيطان والاستعمار في العالم أجمع. وكان الهولنديون بناة الإمبراطورية أيضا. اثنا عشر ألف ميل بعيدا عن المنزل، غزا جزر الهند الشرقية التي كانت أغنى بكثير من جميع إمبراطوريات عصر الإمبريالية، واحتفظوا بها لمدة 350 عاما. ومع ذلك، في العصر الذهبي، في القرن ال 17، كانت الهولندية قليلة جدا في العدد. ولكن عدد قليل كما كانت، كانت جودتها رائعة. ولم يسمحوا بغياب الأعداد لإبطال ما يمكنهم إنجازه، مما يثبت بهذه الطريقة أنه لا توجد علاقة بين الأعداد الكبيرة والإنجاز. وهو سجل الإنجاز الأبرز لمثل هذه الدولة الصغيرة مثل الهولندية. وأثبتوا أيضا أنه لا توجد بالضرورة علاقة بين الدين والإنجاز. قبل قرون من فجر عظمتهم، وكان الهولنديين المسيحيين المتدينين ولكن كان فقط في القرن ال 17 أن ارتفاعها مذهلة ومذهلة بدأت. في القرن التاسع عشر، منح البريطانيون إمبراطورية لأنفسهم لم تحددها الشمس أبدا. في أمريكا الشمالية، حكموا النصف الشمالي من القارة في أفريقيا، امبراطوريتهم تمتد من الإسكندرية في الشمال إلى كيب تاون في جنوب وجنوب آسيا، غزا من كابول إلى رانغون. واستعمروا أستراليا ونيوزيلندا. أنشأوا باكس بريتانيا على كل هذه المنطقة الهائلة، ربع الأرض. في القرن الثامن عشر عندما كان البريطانيون يبنون إمبراطوريتهم، لم يكن لديهم سوى 35،000 رجل في السلاح، و 7،500 منهم مشغولون في إحياء آيرلندا. في حين أن البحرية الملكية عقدت الإمبراطورية البريطانية معا، بنيت تجارتهم البحرية أخرى - إمبراطورية غير مرئية. كانت امبراطوريتها التجارية التي تفهم العديد من تلك البلدان التي كانت خارج مدار سلطتها السياسية. في وقت واحد، عندما كانت قوة البريطانيين في ذروتها، لا يمكن لأمة على الأرض أن تحديهم على الأرض أو على البحر. في الوقت نفسه، مع توسيع سلطتهم السياسية والنفوذ التجاري، كما أنشأ البريطانيون هيمنتهم الثقافية. لقد انتشروا اللغة الإنجليزية في معظم أنحاء العالم حتى يتم التحدث بها أو أنها مفهومة في معظم دول العالم. حقق البريطانيون كل هذا وأكثر من ذلك بكثير ولكن ليس بسبب تقوىهم وحماسهم الديني. كانوا فقط مهتمين بالغب في الدين. لم يغزووا شبر واحد من الأراضي الأجنبية من أجل المسيح أو الكتاب المقدس الذي غزا فقط لبريطانيا، وبناء الإمبراطورية البريطانية. كان النظام الإمبراطوري القديم لبريطانيا وفرنسا وهولندا قد عقد العالم في قبضة حديدية منذ ما يقرب من قرنين. كانت الدول الإسلامية في كل مكان على قدمي هذه القوى. ولكن في أعقاب الحربين العالميتين، وانهارت امبراطورياتهم. من حطام امبراطورياتهم ارتفع عدد وافر من الدول الجديدة. ومن هذه الدول الجديدة دولة إسرائيل الصهيونية. في 14 مايو 1948، تخلى البريطانيون عن ولايتهم على فلسطين، وأعلن المستوطنون اليهود في البلاد ولادة دولة إسرائيل. وفي اليوم التالي (15 مايو / أيار) قامت خمس دول عربية بغزو إسرائيل مع النية المعلنة لدفع إسرائيل إلى البحر. لكنهم لم يتمكنوا من دفع إسرائيل إلى البحر. هزمت إسرائيل كل منهم، وكان عليهم أن يتراجعوا إلى قذائفهم. ومنذ ذلك الحين، كانت هناك حروب أخرى بين العرب وإسرائيل. كان هناك واحد في عام 1956 وآخر في عام 1967. في كلتا الحروب، هزمت إسرائيل العرب، واستولت على الكثير من الأراضي منها بما في ذلك القدس القديمة. وفي آب / أغسطس 1969، اشتعلت النيران في جزء من المسجد الأقصى في القدس. كان ذلك عملا من الحرائق. كل المسلمين العرب وغير العرب كانوا ملتحقين بهذا الغضب. ووصلت موجات الصدمة في الحادث إلى أبعد الحدود في العالم الإسلامي، حيث يبلغ نهايتهما 10000 ميل من إندونيسيا في الشرق إلى موريتانيا في الغرب. عقدت الدول الإسلامية مؤتمرا في الرباط (المغرب) للنظر في بعض الإجراءات لاستعادة القدس من إسرائيل. ولكن كل ما فعلوه، كان قرارات تمرير واستنكار إسرائيل. لقد تجرأت إسرائيل المتعججة وتحديت العالم الإسلامي الشاسع، المترامي الاطراف، ولكن هذه الأخيرة كانت تفتقر الى الحصى والخداع لمواجهة هذا التحدي. في تشرين الأول / أكتوبر 1973، هاجمت مصر إسرائيل يوم يوم الغفران عندما احتل اليهود بتفانيهم. تم القبض على اليهود خارج الحرس ولكن تعافوا من المفاجأة، وعاد فورا. وساروا عبر صحراء سيناء وعبروا السويس وأقاموا رأسا على الضفة الغربية للقناة على بعد 60 ميلا من القاهرة وحاصروا الجيش المصري الثالث كله. وكان الضغط الأمريكي على إسرائيل هو الذي أنقذ الجيش المصري الثالث. ولكن من الغريب أن مصر ادعت العمل العسكري ضد إسرائيل انتصارا لنفسها. وقالت الحكومة المصرية إن الحرب والانتصار قد أعادتا الروح المعنوية واحترام الذات لمصر رغم أن الأمم المتحدة والولايات المتحدة كانتا قد أنقذتهما من الكوارث في وقت سابق كما حدث في مناسبات سابقة. وفي حزيران / يونيه 1982، ركبت إسرائيل في لبنان. وقد طردت الميليشيات الفلسطينية من البلاد حيث جلس العالم العربي كله يذهل في اليأس الصامت عملاق عاجز حقا إذا كان هناك أي وقت مضى. في كل هذه الحروب شيء واحد لم يفتقر إليه العرب هو القوة الاقتصادية. وكان لديهم أكثر من أي بلد آخر في العالم الثالث. أما بالنسبة للقوى العاملة، فقد فاق عدد العرب الإسرائيليين بأكثر من 50 إلى 1. ومع ذلك، لم يسبق لهم أبدا أن واجهوا مفارقة الجمع بين الثراء والعجز وفرة المواد والإفلاس الأخلاقي أهمية استراتيجية وإهانة، كما يفعلون في مواجهتهم مع إسرائيل. بل يمكن القول إن بعض البلدان العربية، على سبيل المثال الأردن، لا يتمتعون باستقلالهم إلا من خلال مجاملة إسرائيل. وهكذا يبدو أن الدين، أي دين، وثنية، أنيميستيك، مسيحية أو إسلامية، كان قليلا، إن كان أي شيء، له علاقة مع الفتوحات العسكرية لأمة. وهناك ظاهرة متكررة في تاريخ العالم تتمثل في أن أي دولة واحدة، في أي وقت من الأوقات، هي أسمى، عسكريا وسياسيا، وفي كثير من الحالات، فكريا أيضا. في تلك اللحظة أو في تلك الحقبة، فإنه لا يقاوم ولا يقهر. كانت مائة سنة من 632 إلى 732 قرن العرب. كانوا أعلى، كانوا انتصارا، كانوا لا يقاومون وكانوا لا يقهر في ذلك القرن. الإسلام وحدهم وأعطاهم شعورا بالاتجاه والغرض والقوة الدافعة. فبدون الإسلام، سيكون مستقبلهم غير ذي صلة وجرد كما كان ماضيه. ولكن ليس هناك ارتباط بين غزواتهم من جهة، والتقوى والحماس الديني من جهة أخرى. كان أحد أصدقاء عمر من المغاربة بن شعبه. وكان عمر قد عينه محافظا، أولا من البصرة، وبعد ذلك من الكوفة. وكان هناك عبودية من المغيرة تحتج ضده. وطلب من أمارس الشفاعة، ورفضه، هاجمه، وأصيب بجروح قاتلة. تم استدعاء الطبيب. أعطى عمر بعض الأدوية للشرب ولكن كل ذلك خرج من الجرح المتخلف في سرة له. وعندما لاحظ الطبيب ذلك، قال عمر إنه لا يوجد أمل في شفائه، ونصحه بإبداء إرادته منذ وقت قصير ترك له في هذا العالم. كلمة انتشرت بسرعة أن خليفة كان مصابا بجروح قاتلة، والأخبار تسببت في الكثير من الضجة في المدينة. دعا العديد من الصحابة عمر للاستعلام بعد صحته. واقترح البعض منهم تعيين شخص خلفا له. قال عمر: إذا عينت أحدا كخلفي، فلن يكون هناك أي شيء مع ذلك منذ أن عين أبو بكر لي خلفا له، وكان أفضل مني. ولكن إذا لم أكن أخصص أحدا لخلفي، فلن يكون هناك شيء من هذا القبيل مع ذلك إما لأن رسول الله لم يعين خلفه، وكان أفضل من كل منا (أبو بكر وعمر). كما أرسلت عائشة كلمة إلى عمر تحثه على تعيين شخص خليفته قبل وفاته، وإلا حذرت من أن الفوضى والفوضى قد تنتشر في الأرض. سأل عمر رسول أيشاس أن يقول لها على النحو التالي: لقد نظرت في هذه المسألة، وقررت تعيين ستة رجال أعضاء في لجنة انتخابية، وشحنهم مهمة اختيار واحد من أنفسهم كما خليفة. الرجال الستة هم: علي، عثمان، عبد الرحمن بن عوف طلحة، الزبير، سعد بن أبي وقاص. وكان رسول الله مسرور مع كل ستة منهم عندما غادر هذا العالم، وكل واحد منهم مؤهل لتصبح خليفة للمسلمين. ثم دعا عمر جميع الأعضاء الستة في لجنته الانتخابية إلى منزله لشرح لهم ما كان عليهم القيام به. فعندما جاءوا جاءوا على النحو التالي: يا جماعة من المهاجرين في الحقيقة، توفي رسول الله، وكان سعيدا مع كل ستة منكم. ولذلك قررت أن تجعله (اختيار خليفة) مسألة تشاور بينكم، حتى يتسنى لك اختيار واحد منكم كما خليفة. إذا كان خمسة منكم توافق على رجل واحد، وهناك واحد الذي يعارض الخمسة، قتله. إذا أربعة من جانب واحد واثنين من جهة أخرى، وقتل اثنين. وإذا كان ثلاثة من جانب واحد وثلاثة من ناحية أخرى، فإن عبد الرحمن بن عوف سيكون له صوت الصب، وسيتم اختيار خليفة من حزبه. في هذه الحالة، قتل الرجال الثلاثة على الجانب الآخر. يمكنك، إذا كنت ترغب، دعوة بعض كبار رجال الأنصار كمراقبين ولكن خليفة يجب أن يكون أحدكم المهاجرين، وليس أي منهم. ليس لديهم حصة في الخلافات. ويجب أن يتم اختيارك للخليفة الجديد في غضون ثلاثة أيام. (طبري، تاريخ) أمر عمر ابنه عبد الله أيضا بحضور اجتماعات اللجنة الانتخابية المشكلة حديثا، وإن لم يكن مرشحا للخلافة، وقال له: إذا كان أعضاء هذه اللجنة يختلفون فيما بينهم، فأنت تؤيد أولئك الذين هم في الأغلبية. إذا كان هناك تعادل مع ثلاثة على كل جانب، فأنت تدعم حزب عبد الرحمن بن عوف. وكان عمر قد حدد ثلاثة أيام كحد أقصى لمداولاتهم (اللجان الانتخابية). في نهاية تلك الفترة، يجب عليهم أن يختاروا بالإجماع اختيار خليف. وفي حالة عدم اتخاذ قرار بالإجماع، فإن المرشح الأغلبية سيعتمد، ويطرح أعضاء الأقلية على الفور. (الفتوحات العربية الكبرى، 1967) عندما كان عمر راضيا عن قيامه بواجبه في مسألة خلافة، سأل بعض هؤلاء الرجال الذين كانوا من حوله، والذين من بين المرشحين الستة، كانوا يرغبون في رؤية جديد خليفة. أحدهم حاضر اسمه زبير. قال عمر: هل تجعل خليفتك رجلا مؤمنا عندما يكون سعيدا وكافر عندما يغضب رجل آخر يدعى طلحة. قال عمر: هل تجعل خليفتك رهن هبة رسول الله إلى يهودي ثالث اسمه علي. قال عمر: إذا جعلته خليفة الخاص بك، وقال انه لن تسمح لك الانحراف عن الحقيقة ولكن أنا أعلم أنك لن. وكان وليد بن العقبة، شقيق عثمان غير الشقيق، حاضرا أيضا في الجمعية. عندما سمع أمارس تعليقات على المرشحين، وقال انه هتف: أعرف من سيصبح خليفة المقبل. عمر الذي كان مستلقيا، جلس في السرير، وسأل، من. وقال وليد: عثمان. أمر عمر أبو طلحة أنصاري بقيادة المسلمين في الصلاة خلال فترة إنتيرجنوم، وأيضا لمشاهدة أعضاء اللجنة الانتخابية خلال مداولاتهم. كما أعطاه خمسين رجلا مسلحا لتمكينه من القيام بواجباته. وكان هؤلاء الرجال يتصرفون، إذا لزم الأمر، كجنود (طارق كامل). On the following day, Umar called the members of the electoral committee again, and when they came, he said: So everyone of you wants to become the khalifa after me Everyone kept quiet. Umar repeated his question whereupon Zubayr said: And whats wrong with that You became khalifa and you managed it. Why cant we Umar then asked: Shall I tell you something about each of you Zubayr answered: Go ahead tell us. Umar commented upon them as follows: Saad bin Abi Waqqas is a good archer but he is arrogant, and khilafat is beyond his reach. Talha is rude, greedy and conceited. Abdur Rahman is too much given to comfort and luxury if he becomes khalifa, his wives will run the government. Zubayr is a believer when he is in a happy mood but is an unbeliever when he is angry. Ali is worthy of being the ruler of the Muslims in every respect but he is too ambitious. Umar then turned to Uthman, and said: Take it from me. It is as if I am seeing with my own eyes that the Quraysh have put this necklace (khilafat) around your neck, and you have foisted the Banu Umayya and the Banu Abi Muayt (Uthmans family) upon the Muslims, and have given them all the wealth of the umma. Then the wolves of the Arabs came, and slaughtered you. By God, if they (the Quraysh) do, you will certainly do and if you do, they (the Arabs) will certainly do. (If the Quraysh make Uthman their khalifa, he would give all his power and authority to Banu Umayya and when he does so, the Arabs will come and kill him). Umar told the members of the electoral committee that the Apostle of God was pleased with them when he left this world. But was the Apostle pleased only with these six men Was he displeased with the rest of the Muhajireen and the Ansar If he was not, then why did Umar exclude all of them from his electoral committee He did not give the rest of the Muhajireen and Ansar the right even to express an opinion much less the right to select their ruler. Though Umar chose six Qurayshites as electors because as he said, the Apostle was pleased with them, he himself found nothing commendable in them. He found them arrogant, rude, greedy, conceited, henpecked, temperamental, venal and ambitious. If, at the election of Abu Bakr, the principle was accepted that it is the right of the Muslim umma (people) to select or elect its own rulers, then how is it that the leading companions of the Prophet, and Ayesha, his widow, urged Umar to appoint his own successor Didnt they know that a ruler was to be chosen by the umma . But Umar, instead of denying or affirming this right of the umma . said that if he appointed someone as khalifa, he would be following the precedent of Abu Bakr and if he did not, then he would be following the precedent of the Prophet himself. In practice, however, he followed neither the precedent of Abu Bakr nor the precedent of the Prophet. He named six men as members of an electoral committee, and made them responsible for selecting a khalifa out of themselves regardless of the opinions and wishes of the Muslim umma . It is true that Umar did not name anyone as his successor but his electoral committee was, in point of fact, a de facto designation. Its constitution guaranteed the selection only of Umars own candidate. His first stipulation was that the candidate who gets most of the votes, would become khalifa. There was no way for Ali to get most of the votes. Abdur Rahman bin Auf was the husband of the half-sister of Uthman. (This lady was the daughter of the mother of Uthman and her second husband). Saad bin Abi Waqqas was the first cousin of Abdur Rahman, and was under his influence. Tribal solidarity or tribal chauvinism was very strong among the Arabs. Talha belonged to the clan of Abu Bakr, and was married to one of his daughters (the sister of Ayesha). Therefore, it was unthinkable that any of them would vote for Ali. Thus Ali had to count out four votes even before the beginning of the parleys. All he could do, was to hope that he might get Zubayrs vote. In any case, Abdur Rahman bin Auf the self-appointed king-maker, had the casting vote. As Umars confidante, it was inevitable that he would give his vote and his support only to his (Umars) favorite, and the brother of his own wife Uthman. Now the minority in the electoral committee had one of the two choices open before it, viz. either acquiesce in the king-makers selection and acknowledge Uthman as khalifa or pass the sentence of death to itself Hudhaifa, a companion, reports that sometime before the attempt was made on his life, a few companions had asked Umar who would succeed him as khalifa, and he had told them, Uthman. (Kanz-ul-Ummal and Tarikh-Ahmedi). The author of Riyadh-un-Nadhra writes in the same connection as follows: In the Hajj season someone asked Umar who would be the khalifa of the Muslims after him, and he said, Uthman bin Affan. Umar desired nothing so much as to appoint Uthman as his successor but for some reason known only to him, he did not wish to do so openly. At the same time, he did not allow the Muslims to exercise their freewill in the matter of choosing their ruler. Left to themselves, they would not have chosen his favorite, and he knew it. He, therefore, devised a new mode of giving the umma its leader. This new mode, spun out with intricate sophistication, guaranteed the election of Uthman. Umar had assembled the Electoral Committee only to dissemble Perhaps it would have served the interests of the umma better if Umar had openly appointed Uthman as his successor instead of framing a panel of electors for this purpose. A direct and open appointment would have averted the civil wars in Islam. His panel of electors proved to be the catalyst of the battles of Basra, Siffin and Nehrwan. He achieved his aim at the moment but only at the expense of the integrity of Islam in the future. Abdullah ibn Abbas ibn Abdul-Muttalib was the first cousin of Muhammad Mustafa and Ali ibn Abi Talib. When he heard that Umar had given special powers to Abdur Rahman bin Auf in the panel of electors, he said to Ali: Khilafat is lost to us once again. This man (Umar) wants Uthman to be the new khalifa. I know they will keep khilafat out of the house of Muhammad. Ali made the following comment: I agree with what you say. I have no illusions in this matter. Nevertheless, I shall attend the meeting(s) of the Shura (electoral committee), and the Muslims will see with their own eyes the conflict between Umars words and his deeds. By placing my name in his electoral committee, he has, at least, acknowledged my right to become caliph whereas in the past, he went around saying that prophethood and caliphate ought never to combine in the same house. How did Abdullah ibn Abbas know that Umar wanted Uthman to become the khalifa As noted before, it was obvious from the constitution of the electoral committee. One look at its terms of reference was enough to convince anyone that the outcome of its quest was predetermined. Those terms of reference declared, loudly and unmistakably, that khilafat was going to be the prize of Uthman and the Umayyads. Therefore, after the promulgation by Umar of the constitution of his electoral committee, if Ali had any interest still left in it, and in its professed purpose, it was purely academic and abstract, and as he himself said, his participation in its meetings would do nothing more than point up the contradictions inherent in it. This is the age of democracy. The people choose their leaders. Elections are held from the lowest to the highest levels of public life from the chairmen of school committees and fund-raising groups to the heads of governments and states. But it has never so happened that those candidates for office who lose the election to their opponents, are put to death. The candidates who lose, become leaders of the opposition, and the existence of a healthy opposition is considered essential for the existence of democracy itself. If the opposition is liquidated, then democracy becomes a casualty, and the state becomes totalitarian. Umars order to kill the minority in his electoral committee has no parallel in the history of mankind. He ordered the execution of all those companions of Muhammad Mustafa, who as candidates for caliphate, would get fewer votes than their opposite numbers, even though he knew that it is the job of others to give or to withhold their votes. In other words, he decreed that it is a crime to get fewer votes than ones opponent, and the penalty is death This was the last decision of the man who once said: The Book of God is sufficient for us. Did he really believe in what he said Did he read that Book Did he find sanction in that Book for his order to kill a candidate for a certain office because he scored lower than his opponent Here it should be pointed out that no one out of the six Muhajireen had applied to Umar for membership in his electoral committee. His action in choosing them was totally arbitrary. He then imposed upon them the duty of electing a khalifa with the stipulation that if anyone of them disagreed with the majority, he would forfeit his life. Umar had obviously opted for the totalitarian remedy of taking the right of dissent away from the Muslims. For many centuries, the Sunni Muslims have raved over what they call the justice of Umar. Is his order to kill the dissenting member or members of his electoral committee a sample of that justice Is it the sample of justice that they proudly uphold to the nations of the earth Umar died on the last Saturday of Zil-Hajj (the last month of the Islamic calendar) of 23 A. H. (A. D. 644), and he was buried next to the Prophet and Abu Bakr. Umar, on his deathbed, had appointed six Muhajireen as members of a panel which was to choose one out of themselves as the future khalifa of the Muslims. They were Ali ibn Abi Talib, Uthman, Talha, Zubayr, Abdur Rahman bin Auf and Saad bin Abi Waqqas. Except Ali, all other members of the panel were capitalists, or rather, neo-capitalists. When they came from Makkah, they were penniless and homeless but within twelve years, i. e. from the death of Muhammad Mustafa in 632 to the death of Umar in 644, each of them, except Ali, had become rich like Croesus. Between these two dates, they had accumulated immense wealth, and had become the richest men of their times. Ali did not qualify as a member of this exclusive club but Umar admitted him anyway. Apart from the fact that Ali made his living as a gardener whereas his other five co-members lived on the revenues of their lands and estates, there was another gulf, even more unbridgeable, that separated him from them. In character, personality, temperament, attitudes, philosophy and outlook on life, Ali and the rest of them were the antithesis of each other. In an earlier chapter, it was pointed out that the famous line of Keats, Beauty is Truth and Truth Beauty, can be transposed to read as Economic power is political power and political power economic power. Economic power and political power are reciprocal. Karl Marx said: Whatever social class has economic power, also has political and social power. And George Wald, professor of Biology at the Harvard University, said in an address in Tokyo in 1974: Private wealth and personal political power are interchangeable. There can be no doubt that economic power is a springboard of political power. This has been a consistent pattern throughout history. President Abraham Lincoln had defined democracy as the government of the people, by the people, and for the people. In the American presidential elections of 1984 when President Ronald Reagan was reelected, the Russians quipped: The United States Government is of the millionaires, by the millionaires and for the millionaires. All the members of Umars electoral committee, were millionaires except Ali ibn Abi Talib Following is a portrait left by historians of the members of Umars Electoral Committee: Othman, son of Affan, six years the Prophets junior, was a cloth merchant he also did some business as a money-lender, advancing sums for enterprises of which he was to enjoy half the profits (Ibn Sad, iii, 111), and in money matters showed remarkable acuteness (Wakidi W. 231). His sister was a milliner, married to a barber (Isabah, i. 714). He was no fighting man, as his subsequent history proved, for he shirked one battlefield, ran away from another, and was killed, priest-like, ostentatiously reading the Koran. Ibn Sad says in his Tabqaat about Othman: When he died, he left 35 million dirhems, 150,000 dinars, 3000 camels, and many horses. He built himself a palace in Medina with marble and teakwood. He had 1000 slaves. (Mohammed and the Rise of Islam, London, 1931) In his youth, before the rise of Islam, Uthman had been very rich and gained much money from profitable usurious transactions. Uthmans acquisitiveness and business talents gained full scope when he became caliph. He built himself a stone house in Medina with doors of precious wood and acquired much real estate in that city, including gardens and water sources. He had a large income from his fruit plantations in Wadi-ul-Qura, Hunain and other places, valued at 100,000 dinars, besides large herds of horses and camels on these estates. The day Uthman died his personal treasury was found to contain 150,000 dinars and one million dirhems. Multiplying his riches at the expense of the Moslem treasury, Uthman also gave free use of the latter to some of the closest companions of Muhammad, attempting to justify his illegal actions by associating these most authoritative veteran Moslems with his own depredations. The companions applauded the caliph Uthman for his generosity and magnanimity, no doubt for solid reasons of self-interest. Zubair ibn al-Awwam, for example, one of the better known amongst them, built tenement houses in Kufa, Basra, Fustat and Alexandria. His property was estimated at 50,000 dinars, in addition to which he possessed 1000 horses and 1000 slaves. Another companion, Talha ibn Ubaidullah, built a large tenement house in Kufa and acquired estates in Irak which brought in a daily 1000 dinars he also built a luxurious house of brick and precious wood in Medina. Abd-ar-Rahman ibn Auf, also an outstanding companion, also built himself a rich and spacious dwelling his stables contained 100 horses and his pastures 1000 camels and 10,000 sheep, and one quarter of the inheritance he left after his death was valued at 84,000 dinars. Such acquisitiveness was widespread among the companions of the Prophet and Uthmans entourage. (Arabs, Islam and the Arab Caliphate in the Early Middle Ages, New York, 1969) Sad ibn Abi Waqqas built his house in Al-Aqiq. He made it high and spacious, and put balconies around the upper part. Said ibn al-Musayyib said that when Zayd ibn Thabit died, he left ingots of gold and silver that were broken up with axes, in addition to property and estates to the value of 100,000 dinars. (Islam in History, New York, 1973) Dr. Taha Husain of Egypt writes in his book, al-Fitna-tul-Kubra (The Great Upheaval), published by Dar-ul-Maarif, Cairo, 1959, p. 47: When Uthman became khalifa, he not only lifted the ban placed by Umar upon the companions to go to the other countries, but also gave them rich present from the public treasury. He gave Zubayr 600,000 dirhems in one day, and he gave Talha 100,000 dirhems in one day enabling them to buy lands, property and slaves in other countries. Abdur Rahman bin Auf was a member of the inner circle of the friends of Uthman. About him Sir William Muir writes: Abd al-Rahman, when in after years he used to fare sumptuously on fine bread and every variety of meat, would weep while looking at his richly furnished table and thinking of the Prophets straitened fare. (The Life of Mohammed, London 1877) The love that Abdur Rahman bore his late master, Muhammad, was deeply moving. His wives and concubines prepared delicacies of many colors and tastes for him. When he sat down to eat, recollection came to him of the Spartan times of the Apostle. He missed him and he missed those times, shed many a tear, and then gobbled up everything on the table. Sir William Muir sums up his impressions of the companions of the Apostle of God as follows: In pursuing the annals of the companions and first followers of Mohammed, few things so forcibly illustrate the spirit of Islam as, first, the number of their wives and concubines and the facility of divorce and, next, the vast riches they amassed a significant contrast with the early days of Christianity. (The Life of Mohammed, London, 1877) Sir William Muir has done a great injustice, in the first place, in lumping the companions all together whereas there were two distinct categories of them. The first category which comprised the overwhelming majority, is the one he has correctly depicted in his book, but there also existed another, though very small, category, and he has taken no notice of it. In the second place, Sir William Muir has attributed the insatiable acquisitiveness of the companions to the spirit of Islam, and this is an even grosser injustice. The acquisitiveness of the companions, or rather, the acquisitiveness of most of the companions of the Apostle, illustrates, not the spirit of Islam, but a reaction against that spirit. The obsession with materialism runs counter to the spirit and genius of Islam. Quran has castigated those people who amass gold and silver. If anyone wishes to see the real spirit of Islam, he will find it, not in the deeds of the nouveaux riches of Medina, but in the life, character and deeds of such companions of the Apostle of God as Ali ibn Abi Talib, Salman el-Farsi, Abu Dharr el-Ghiffari, Ammar ibn Yasir, Owais Qarni and Bilal. The orientalists will change their assessment of the spirit of Islam if they contemplate it in the austere, pure and sanctified lives of these latter companions. It may be noted that the members of the electoral committee were all men of Makkah. There was no man of Medina among them. Umar had studiously kept them out. When he was explaining to the members of the committee what they had to do, he addressed them as O group of Muhajireen. He told them that the khalifa had to be one of them, and that the men of Medina had no share in khilafat. Some companions pressed Umar to appoint his own successor. He named a number of people who were dead, and said that if any of them were alive, he would have appointed him as his successor . The Prophet of Islam had been dead, not days but only a few hours when Islam was confronted with its first crisis - in the matter of his succession. The Ansar said to the Muhajireen: One chief from us and one from you. But Abu Bakr did not agree to this, and he quoted the following tradition of the Prophet: The rulers shall be from the Quraysh. Then he said to the Ansar: We shall be rulers and you will be our ministers. The Ansar accepted this arrangement (with the exception of Saad ibn Ubada). This is how the aristocracy of Islam was born. Its right to rule rested on its propinquity to Muhammad. All authority was vested in the Quraysh. The Ansar were the advisers. Every Muslim has the right to offer advice. The Quraysh were to rule, and the Ansar and the other Muslims were to give advice but not to rule. When Umar was dying, he was questioned about his successor, and he said: If Abu Obaida bin al-Jarrah were alive, I would have made him the khalifa. If Khalid bin al-Walid were alive, I would have appointed him the amir of the Muslims. And if Salim, the client of Abu Hudhaifa, were living today, then I would have designated him as your ruler. This Salim was a slave who came from Istakhar in Persia. He was emancipated, and became a mawali (client) of Abu Hudhaifa. He was well-known for his piety. Many Muslims deferred to him in matters of Faith even in the times of the Prophet. Sometimes he led the Muslims in prayer also. He was killed in the Ridda wars during the khilafat of Abu Bakr. He was a devout and God-fearing man. (al-Fitna-tul-Kubra , published by Dar-ul-Maarif, Cairo, 1959). It was really unfortunate for the umma that Salim was dead or else Umar would have made him his successor, and he might have made an excellent khalifa. At any rate, Umar knocked down that tradition of the Apostle which Abu Bakr had quoted before the Ansar in Saqifa according to which no one but the Quraysh had the right to become rulers. Here was Umar, the greatest pontiff of the Sunni establishment, ready, willing and eager to make Salim the khalifa of the Muslims, who was: (c) a non-free man, a client, a man who was emancipated by an Arab, and who was under his protection. Umar proved on his deathbed that the tradition of the Qurayshi connection by which the Muhajireen had claimed their superiority over the Ansar in Saqifa, was spurious, and he proved that to be a khalifa of the Muslims, it was not necessary to be a Qurayshi after all. Umar could consider a former slave who was not distinguished for anything except for his piety, for the most important position in Islam but he could not consider an Ansari for it, even if he had distinguished himself in war and peace. The Ansaris, in fact, could not fill even less important positions. In his book, Al-Farooq, M. Shibli, the Indian historian, has published a list of the names of the civil and military officers of his (Umars) time. With one solitary exception (Uthman bin Hunaif), the entire list is made up of names of men who were noted for their animosity to Ali, to Banu Hashim, and to the Ansar. These Ansaris were the same people who had, at one time, given sanctuary to Umar in their city. They had given him food, clothing and shelter when he did not have any of these things. Now he was repaying them Umars attitude toward the Ansar is in sharp contrast to the attitude toward them of Muhammad, the Messenger of God. The latter loved the Ansar. He appointed many of them as governors of Medina, and he made many of them commanders of various expeditions. On one occasion he said that he would rather be with them (the Ansar) than with any other people. He also considered them capable of and qualified to rule the Muhajireen. The remark of Muhammad about Sad bin Muadh when he was about to judge the case of Banu Qurayza, Stand for your chief (Sayyid), could be taken to justify the view that the Ansar were capable of ruling over Quraysh, and the story was therefore twisted in various ways to remove this implication. (Muhammad at Medina, Oxford, 1966) The Apostle of God called Sad the Chief of the Quraysh. Sad was obviously capable of ruling the Quraysh, and why not After all what was there in the credentials of the Quraysh that the Ansar didnt have Nothing. But the Ansar lost their capability of ruling the Quraysh as soon as Muhammad, their master, died. During the caliphate of Abu Bakr and Umar, it was a disqualification to be an Ansari to hold any important position in the government. Laura Veccia Vaglieri As he lay dying, Umar was anxious about the succession and he appointed a committee of six, all Qurayshites, whose duty it should be to choose one of their number as caliph. The inhabitants of Medina no longer had any share in the election of the head of the state. (Cambridge History of Islam, Cambridge, 1970) Far from having a share in the election of the head of the state, not to speak of themselves becoming the head of the state, the inhabitants of Medina, did not have a share in anything. They might have given some advice to Abu Bakr and Umar. In Saqifa, Abu Bakr and Umar had told them that they would consult them (the Ansar) in all matters. Few, if any, would challenge the general interpretation of this poignant fact that the most important and most indispensable single factor in the year 1 of Hijri, namely, the support of the Ansar, had become the most striking non-factor in the year 11 Hijri. The Cassandra utterances of Hubab ibn al-Mandhir in the bedlam of Saqifa proved only too true. He had expressed the fear that the children of the Ansar would beg for food at the doors of the houses of the Muhajireen, and would not get any. Much worse was to come for them in the times of Yazid bin Muawiya. The Ansar fought in all the campaigns of Abu Bakr and Umar but only as other ranks and never as generals. The new wealth which came flooding into Medina after the conquest of Persia and the Fertile Crescent, also appears to have bypassed them with the exception of a few, who collaborated with the Saqifa government. Among the latter were the two spies from the tribe of Aus who had squealed on the Khazraj to Umar and Abu Bakr. Others were Muhammad bin Maslama, Bashir bin Saad, and Zayd bin Thabit. They had shown great zeal in taking the oath of loyalty to Abu Bakr in Saqifa. Zayd bin Thabit was fanatically devoted to Uthman, and for this reason, he received many gifts and rewards from the treasury. He was the son of poor parents but during the caliphate of Uthman, became one of the richest men in Medina. Two officers of the public treasury in Medina and in Kufa who had been appointed by Abu Bakr, had thrown the keys of the treasuries in their charge, before Uthman, in protest against the plunder of the public funds by himself and by one of his governors. Uthman gave both keys to Zayd bin Thabit. Zayd bin Thabit was also the chairman of the committee appointed by Uthman to collect the verses of Quran, and to publish them in one volume, as noted before. Zayd bin Thabit was one of the few Ansaris who shared the bonanza in the times of Umar and Uthman. He was also one of the few Ansaris who did not take part in the campaigns of Ali in Basra, Siffin and Nehrwan. Most of the Ansaris fought on Alis side against his enemies in these battles. 1. It is not necessary for the khalifa of the Muslims to be a Qurayshi. Even an emancipated slave like Salim can become their khalifa. The tradition that the leaders must be members of the tribe of Quraysh, was cooked up and was attributed to the Prophet on a special occasion, and for a special purpose it worked in Saqifa, and checkmated the Ansar. 2. The incumbent khalifa can arbitrarily restrict the right and power to choose a new khalifa to five or six men without any reference to the Muslim umma . The Muslim umma can be safely ignored. 3. Within the electoral committee, if a man disagrees with the majority, he merits death, even if he is a friend of the Prophet of Islam even if he fought at Badr and even if he is a Companion of the Tree. Nothing can save him. 4. The Muslim umma can be left leaderless for three days. It is not necessary to select a new khalifa immediately after the death of the incumbent khalifa. A khalifa was chosen immediately after the death but before the burial of Muhammad Mustafa, on the ground that the Muslim umma ought not to be without a head even for a moment. Umar thus set a new precedent, viz. flexibility in the application of political principles. 5. Those drawbacks and shortcomings of character which Umar found in the members of his electoral committee, such as lust, anger, arrogance, conceit, greed, nepotism and ambition, etc. are not a disqualification for khilafat. A man may be arrogant, conceited, henpecked and greedy he can still become a khalifa of the Muslims. A khalifa does not have to be a man of outstanding character and ability. Ibn Abd Rabbeh writes in his famous book, Iqd-ul-Farid (The Unique Necklace), Volume II, page 203, that many years after Muawiya was firmly established on the throne, and had consolidated his position as the khalifa of the Muslims, he posed, one day, the following question to one of his courtiers: Muawiya: You are a wise, intelligent and knowledgeable man. I would like to know what in your opinion, exactly, was the cause of the civil wars of the Muslims. The Courtier: The murder of Uthman. The Courtier: Alis accession to the throne. The Courtier: Then I will request the Commander of the Faithful to enlighten me in this regard. Muawiya: Well, I will tell you what was the real cause of the civil wars of the Muslims. All the conflicts and civil wars of the Muslims had their origins in the electoral committee which Umar appointed to choose a khalifa. Muawiya was right. The seeds of civil war in Islam were planted on the day when Umar picked out the members of his electoral committee. Instead of one candidate for caliphate, he made six candidates. If his decision to appoint his successor had been as direct and forthright as that of Abu Bakr had been, Islam might have been spared the traumatic and horrendous experience of civil wars so early in its career. The Muslims who fought against and killed each other in these civil wars, did not belong to the distant future they belonged to the generation of the Prophet himself. Civil wars broke out in Islam at a time when its idealism was supposed to be still fresh. But the elective system devised by Umar had built-in confrontation, and it took Islam across a great divide. His policy proved to be counter-productive, and his mode of giving the Muslims a leader through his panel of electors turned out to be one of the greatest misfortunes of the history of Islam. Umar had accepted Islam at the end of the year 6 of the Call. Seven years later, he migrated with other Muslims to Medina. In Medina, these immigrants (Muhajireen) made a fresh start in life. In Medina, there were occasions when Umar had to remind Muhammad that in him (in Umar), he (Muhammad) had to reckon with a man who had great reserves of moral courage. If he disagreed with him (with Muhammad), he was not at all queasy about expressing his disagreement. Thus, among all the companions, he (Umar) alone had the moral courage to show his resentment and insolence to him (to Muhammad) at Hudaybiyya when he (Muhammad) signed a treaty of peace with the Quraysh. There were other occasions when Umar found it his unpleasant duty to correct the errors of Muhammad, the Apostle of God. Following are some incidents in which Umar figured as a critic of the actions of Muhammad, the Prophet of Islam. When Abdullah bin Ubayy died, the Apostle attended his funeral, and prayed to God to forgive him and to bestow mercy upon his soul. Umar tried to dissuade him from doing so by pointing out that Ibn Ubayy had been a Munafiq (hypocrite). It is true that Abdullah bin Ubayy was a hypocrite. But his hypocrisy was not a secret from anyone in Medina. Everyone knew that he was a hypocrite. On the eve of the battle of Uhud, he withdrew his contingent of 300 warriors from the army on the ostensible pretext that the Muslims had not accepted his plan of the battle. In that battle, the Muslims were defeated. But they were defeated not because of Ibn Ubayys defection but because of their own greed and indiscipline. The withdrawal of Ibn Ubayys troops did not affect the fortunes of war in any way. Since Ibn Ubayy played a divisive role in a crisis, the Muslims were alert at all times for what he might do. He could, therefore, never catch them off-guard. He was a known and an open hypocrite. Far more dangerous to Islam were the hypocrites who were hidden from the sight of the Muslims. The true believers considered them to be sincere Muslims and trusted them. This trust of the Muslims in them made the Muslim society and the State of Medina much more vulnerable to sabotage by them. Al-Quran al-Majid is a witness to the presence in Medina, in large numbers, of these hypocrites, and has castigated them repeatedly. It were they the hidden hypocrites and not Abdullah ibn Ubayy and his supporters who were the real source of danger to the security of Islam. Abdullah ibn Ubayys son was a true believer. He volunteered to kill him (his father). But Muhammad, the bringer of mercy, did not let him. And when Ibn Ubayy died, he (Muhammad) condoned all his transgressions, most of which, he knew, were products of frustration. Before the Prophets arrival from Makkah, he (Ibn Ubayy) had hoped to become the king of Medina. To forgive and to forget was characteristic of Muhammads magnanimity. Earlier, he had shown the same magnanimity toward the idolaters of Makkah when he conquered that city, and granted amnesty to them all. It was, therefore, entirely, in character for him to conduct the funeral services for Ibn Ubayy, to see that he was given a proper burial, to pray for his soul, and to offer condolences to his son, notwithstanding Umars remonstrance. In late 630, Muhammad, the Messenger of God, sustained a personal loss. His son, Ibrahim, from his Egyptian wife, Maria the Copt, died when he was 11 months old (some say 16 months). Muhammad was very much attached to him. He was deeply aggrieved at his death, and could not withhold his tears. Umar took it upon himself to call his (Muhammads) attention to the impropriety of shedding tears at the death of his son. If Umar was right in his attempts to prevent the Apostle of God from commiserating with the bereaved members of the family of Abdullah ibn Ubayy, and in invoking Gods mercy upon his (Ibn Ubayys) soul or if he was right in trying to prevent him from crying at the death of his own son, then it must be said that Islam is a highly dehumanized religion which denies Muslims even the right to forgive their enemies, and withholds from them the freedom of expression of such innocuous feelings as sympathy and sorrow. But such is not the case. Islam is not dehumanized. It is, in fact, the most humane of all religions, and urges its followers to be forgiving, kind, courteous and considerate to others and commands them never to be vindictive. Vindictiveness was considered a pagan characteristic. Islam also commands Muslims, in the following verses of Al-Quran al-Majid, to return good for evil: And turn off evil with good. (Chapter 13 verse 22) Repel evil with that which is best. (Chapter 23: verse 96) Nor can goodness and evil be equal. Repel (evil) with what is better: then will he between whom and thee was hatred, become as it were thy friend and intimate. (Chapter 41: verse 34) Muhammad Mustafa, the Interpreter of Al-Quran al-Majid, gave a demonstration of the application of these commandments of Heaven at the death of Abdullah ibn Ubayy. In the summer of A. D. 632, Muhammad, the Messenger of God, lay on his deathbed in his house in Medina. His last wish was to comply with the commandment in the Book of God to write his will and testament. But Umar did not countenance this idea. In his opinion, writing a will was not the right thing for the Prophet of Islam to do. At Hudaybiyya, he had opposed the Prophet but had failed in his opposition this time, however, he had no intention of failing. He opposed the dying Prophet, and he scored a brilliant success in his opposition. The will the Prophet wished to write, was never written. If Umar was right in his attempts to inhibit the freedom of action of Muhammad, the Messenger of God, then it means that the latter was wrong. And if he (Muhammad) was wrong, then it means that Al-Quran al-Majid was also wrong because it claimed that: Nor does he (Muhammad) say (anything) of (his own) desire. It is no less than inspiration sent down to him. (Chapter 53 verses 3 and 4) If Umar was right, then Muhammad and Quran were wrong. This is the only conclusion to which such a line of argument can lead. It is now for the Muslims to decide if this is the logic which appeals to them, and therefore, is acceptable to them. When Muhammad Mustafa died in A. D. 632, his successors - Abu Bakr and Umar - lost no time in seizing the estate of Fadak from his daughter. Umar was a conscientious man, and he was presumably prompted by his moral courage to rectify the error which Muhammad had made in giving the estate of Fadak to his daughter in A. D. 628. Umar had, to all intents and purposes, appointed himself a censor of the words and deeds of Muhammad while the latter was still alive. If he countermanded his (Muhammads) orders after his death vis--vis his succession or the estate of Fadak, there is nothing odd about it. If he had any inhibitions in this matter, he threw them overboard as soon as Muhammad died. Muhammad, the Apostle of God, had expressed the wish, on his deathbed, to write his will, and as noted before, Umar had thwarted him by shouting that the Book of God was sufficient for the Muslim umma . and that it did not need any other writing from him. Umar, it appears, actually believed in what he said, viz. a will or any other writing of the Prophet was redundant since Quran had the ultimate answers to all the questions. And if any doubts still lingered in anyones mind on this point, he removed them when he became khalifa. Muhammad lived in the hearts of his companions and friends. After his death, they wished to preserve all their recollections of his life. These recollections were of two kinds - his words and his deeds. The two together formed his Sunnah (the trodden path). Anything he said, and was quoted by a companion, is called a hadith or tradition. But Umar did not want the companions to preserve any recollection of the words and the deeds of the Prophet. He, apparently, had many reservations regarding the usefulness, to the Muslim umma, of these recollections. He, therefore, forbade the companions to quote the sayings of the Prophet in speech or in writing. In other words, he placed the Hadith of the Prophet under a proscription. Following is the testimony of two modern Sunni historians on Umars ban on Hadith: Muhammad Husayn Haykal Umar ibn al-Khattab once tried to deal with the problem of committing the Hadith to writing. The companions of the Prophet whom he consulted, encouraged him, but he was not quite sure whether he should proceed. One day, moved by Gods inspiration, he made up his mind and announced: I wanted to have the traditions of the Prophet written down, but I fear that the Book of God might be encroached upon. Hence I shall not permit this to happen. He, therefore, changed his mind and instructed the Muslims throughout the provinces: Whoever has a document bearing a prophetic tradition, shall destroy it. The Hadith, therefore, continued to be transmitted orally and was not collected and written down until the period of al-Mamun. (The Life of Muhammad, Cairo, 1935) Dr. Mohammad Hamidullah Abu-Dhahabi reports: The Caliph Abu-Bakr compiled a work, in which there were 500 traditions of the Prophet, and handed it over to his daughter Aishah. The next morning, he took it back from her and destroyed it, saying: I wrote what I understood it is possible however that there should be certain things in it which did not correspond textually with what the Prophet had uttered. As to Umar, we learn on the authority of Mamar ibn Rashid, that during his caliphate, Umar once consulted the companions of the Prophet on the subject of codifying the Hadith. Everybody seconded the idea. Yet Umar continued to hesitate and pray to God for a whole month for guidance and enlightenment. Ultimately, he decided not to undertake the task, and said: Former peoples neglected the Divine Books and concentrated only on the conduct of the prophets I do not want to set up the possibility of confusion between the Divine Quran and the Prophets Hadith . (Introduction to Islam, Kuwait, pp. 34-35, 1977) One of the companions whom the Sunni Muslims consider one of the greatest authorities on Hadith, was Abu Hurayra. He was ever ready to quote a Hadith. There was never an occasion when recollection did not come to him of something he had heard the Prophet saying or something he had seen him doing. Once Umar asked him: O Abu Hurayra Tell me this. Did the Messenger of God have nothing in the world to do except to whisper Hadith in your ears Umar then ordered Abu Hurayra not to narrate any more Hadith. Abu Hurayra was a very gregarious and a garrulous man. When Umar gagged him, he felt bottled up. But he was a patient man, and quietly awaited the time when he would be unmuzzled. His opportunity came when Umar died, and he returned, with a vengeance, to the business of relating Hadith . Today, the books of Hadith, compiled by Sunni collectors, are brimming with traditions narrated by him. It is perhaps interesting to speculate on Umars decision in placing the traditions of the Prophet under proscription. Did he believe that the proscription would outlast his own caliphate There is no way of knowing the answer to this question. But he could not have meant the proscription to be effective only during his own lifetime he could only have meant it to be everlasting. If so, then did he want to deprive the Muslims of the record of the precepts and precedents of their Prophet forever Muhammad Husayn Haykal says in the passage quoted above from his book that Umar was moved by Gods inspiration to place the Hadith of the Apostle of God under proscription. This means that Umars authority to order the suppression of Hadith . was implicit in the inspiration of which he was the recipient, and he didnt hesitate to exercise it. In exercising his inspired authority, he overrode even the consensus of the companions. Consensus, incidentally, is a very important principle in Sunni jurisprudence. But Umar was right in overriding it. After all the consensus of fallible, earth-bound mortals could never supersede the authority of Umars inspiration. But Umars ordinance suppressing Hadith leaves one vital question unanswered, viz. is it possible to understand and to practice Islam at all, and to obey the commandments of God embodied in Al-Quran al-Majid, without the knowledge and understanding of the sermons, statements, speeches, commands, prohibitions, precedents, examples and explanations of Muhammad Mustafa Was it, for example, possible for the companions to know, merely by reading Quran, how to say the five canonical prayers if Muhammad himself had not taught them Or, would they have known how much Zakat (poor-tax) to pay, when to pay and whom to pay if they had not seen the Apostle himself paying it Without Hadith . Muslims could never understand the ideology of Islam nor could they grasp its practicability. In this regard, the contemporary, Austrian-born scholar, translator and commentator of Quran, Muhammad Asad, writes in his book, Islam At The Crossroads . as follows: The Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad is, (therefore) next to Quran, the second source of Islamic law of social and personal behavior. In fact we must regard the Sunnah as the only valid explanation of the Quranic teachings and the only means to avoid dissension concerning their interpretation and adaptation to practical use. Many verses of the Quran have allegorical meaning and could be understood in different ways unless there was some definite system of interpretation. And there are, furthermore, many items of practical importance not explicitly dealt with by the Quran. The spirit prevailing in the Holy Book is, to be sure, uniform throughout but to deduce from it the practical attitude which we have to adopt is not, in every case, an easy matter. So long as we believe that this Book is the word of God, perfect in form and purpose, the only logical conclusion is that it never was intended to be used independently of the personal guidance of the Prophet which is embodied in the system of Sunnah. (pp. 117-118) The Apostles statements and his actions were a detailed interpretation and application of the principles of the Book of God. That Book has repeatedly and emphatically called upon the Muslims to obey him and to follow him, as per the following verses: Say: if ye do love God, follow me: God will love you and forgive your sins for God is oft-forgiving, most Merciful. (Chapter 3 verse 31) God did confer a great favor on the believers when He sent among them an Apostle from among themselves, rehearsing unto them the signs of God, sanctifying them, and instructing them in Scripture and Wisdom, while before that they had been in Manifest Error. (Chapter 3: verse 164) Those are limits set by God: those who obey God and His Apostle, will be admitted to the Gardens with Rivers flowing beneath, to abide therein (forever) and that will be the supreme achievement. (Chapter 4: verse 13) O ye who believe Obey God, and obey His Apostle, and those charged with authority among you. if ye differ in anything among yourselves, refer it to Allah and his apostle. (Chapter4: verse 59) We sent an Apostle but to be obeyed, in accordance with the will of God. (Chapter 4: verse 64) But no, by thy Lord, they can have no (real) faith, until they make thee judge in all disputes between them, and find in their souls no resistance against thy decisions, but accept them with the fullest conviction. (Chapter 4: verse 65) He who obeys the Apostle, obeys God. (Chapter4: verse 80) Obey God and His Apostle, if ye do believe. (Chapter 8: verse 1) It is such as obey God and His Apostle, and fear God and do right, that will win (in the end). (Chapter 24: verse 52) Ye have indeed in the Apostle of God a beautiful pattern of conduct for everyone whose hope is in God and the final day, and who engages much in remembering God. (Chapter 33: verse 21) O ye who believe Obey God, and obey the Apostle, and make not vain your deeds. (Chapter 47: verse 33) Whatever the Messenger assigns to you, take it, and deny yourselves that which he withholds from you, and fear God. (Chapter 59: verse 7) From the foregoing verses, it is clear that Umars ban on Hadith was in a head-on collision course with the commandments of Al-Quran al-Majid. Quran as the explicit Word of God, and Hadith as the explicit word of His Last Messenger, form one integral whole, each elucidating, amplifying and illuminating the other. Sunni jurists perhaps did not want to set themselves at odds with Umar but they also realized that there was no way for them to dispense with Hadith . and still call themselves Muslims, and that his ban (on Hadith ) could not coexist with Islam. They, therefore, discreetly tiptoed around the issue. Let the Hadith of our Prophet be free of bans, was their tacit consensus even if such a reorientation of thought was painful to some of them, and they decided to address themselves to the most vital task of collecting, collating, and preserving, for themselves and for posterity the record of the sayings and the deeds of Muhammad Mustafa, their Guide and Leader in this world and in the world to come. Omar Khalifah is an assistant professor of Arabic literature and culture at Georgetown School of Foreign Service in Qatar. He received his M. A and PhD from the Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies at Columbia University. His PhD dissertation (2018) studied the representations of Egyptian president Nasser in Egyptian fiction and film. In addition to modern Arabic literature, Khalifahs research interests include textual and visual representations of memory, world literature, and cinema and nationalism in the Arab world. His forthcoming book, Nasser in the Egyptian Imaginary . will be published by Edinburgh University Press. A Fulbright scholar, Khalifah is also a short story writer in Arabic. His collection Kaannani Ana (As If I Were Myself) was published in Amman, Jordan in 2018. He has taught classes on the Arabic novel, freedom in modern Arabic literature, and Arab womens autobiography. Arabic Literature, Language and culture, Palestine, Secularism and sectarianism in the Middle East, The history of modern Egypt Switch to section footer Switch to main footer Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar Education City P. O. 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